नागपुर बैठक की रिपोर्ट

लोकविद्या समाज संगठन और जन आंदोलनों की बैठक

28 - 29 जून 2014 , विनोबा विचार केन्द्र, धरमपेठ , नागपुर 

विलास भोंगाडे सभा की शुरुआत करते हुए 

जन संघर्षों में आपसी समन्वय और सामाजिक संगठनों की भूमिका के नए वैचारिक आधार से जुड़े प्रश्नों पर लोकविद्या जन आंदोलन, नागपुर द्वारा बुलाई गयी इस बैठक में लगभग 100 कार्यकर्ताओं की भागीदारी रही।  महाराष्ट्र से शेतकरी संघटना, गोसीखुर्द परियोजना प्रभावित संघर्ष समिति, निम्न पैनगंगा बांध विरोधी संघर्ष समिति, विदर्भ आंदोलन समिति, लोकतांत्रिक श्रमिक मुक्ति दल, आंध्र से चिराला बुनकर संगठन, हैदराबाद से लोकविद्या जन आंदोलन, इंदौर से लोकविद्या समन्वय समूह, और वाराणसी से विद्या आश्रम और लोकविद्या जन आंदोलन के कार्यकर्ताओं के अलावा कई स्थानीय संगठनों व स्वतंत्र सामाजिक कार्यकर्ताओं ने भाग लिया।

 सभा में बोलते हुए गिरीश सहस्रबुद्धे 

बैठक में वर्तमान राजनैतिक परिस्थिति, लोकविद्या विचार, जन संघर्षों में समन्वय के नए विचार तथा लोकविद्या और समता इन विषयों पर अलग-अलग सत्रों में चर्चा हुई। पन्नालाल सुराणा, सुनील सहस्रबुद्धे, विजय जावंधिया, धनाजी गुरव, मोहन राव, नारायण राव, वीर नागेश्वर राव, संजीव दाजी, चित्रा सहस्रबुद्धे, राम नेवले, दिलीप कुमार 'दिली', मोहन हीराबाई हीरालाल, के. के. सुरेंद्रन, बी. कृष्णराजुलु, अभिजीत मित्रा , श्रीनिवास खांदेवाले , प्रह्लाद जगताप पाटिल, बालाजी येरावर , रूपा कुलकर्णी, रामचन्द्र राव येरपुड़े, सूर्यभान खोब्रागड़े, गोपाल रायपुरे, संजय सोनटक्के, वासंती सरदार, बबलू कुमार, एहसान अली, विलास भोंगाडे , गिरीश सहस्रबुद्धे व अन्य लोगों ने अपने विचार रखे।  समीक्षा जनवीर ने संघर्ष गीत प्रस्तुत किया और दिलीप कुमार 'दिली' ने लोकविद्या के बोल प्रस्तुत किये। 

लोकविद्या विचार के सत्र में 1990  से हो रहे परिवर्तनों की ओर ध्यान दिया गया। वित्तीय पूँजी का वर्चस्व, वैश्विक बाजार का उदय, कम्प्यूटर इंटरनेट का प्रसार तथा ज्ञान प्रबंधन व तकनीकी का बढ़ता प्रयोग, हर गतिविधि पर कार्पोरेट जगत का दखल, ज्ञान उद्द्योगों का बोलबाला, नए प्रोफेशनल वर्ग का आकर लेना, अमेरिका की दादागिरी और सब जगह आंदोलनों का पीछे हटना ये सब इस काल की विशेषतायें हैं। नई व्यवस्थाओं में श्रम के साथ ज्ञान का शोषण, विशेषकर लोकविद्या का शोषण एक मज़बूत आधारस्तम्भ के रूप में उभरा है।  शोषक और शोषित समाज तथा समाज के अन्य घटकों के आपसी सम्बन्ध, ज्ञान व उसकी नई समझ के इर्द-गिर्द आकार ले रहे हैं।  उत्पादन करने वाले अपने ज्ञान और काम के नतीजों को सस्ते से सस्ता बेचें यही व्यवस्था है।  यह लूट का नया तंत्र है जिसका समर्थन आज की राजनीति विकास के नाम पर करती है।  इस राजनीति को विश्वविद्यालय के संगठित ज्ञान-विज्ञान और ज्ञान प्रबंधन का पूरा  समर्थन है।  इस तरह लोकविद्या और उसके बल पर ज़िंदा रहने वाला लोकविद्या समाज दोनों के सामने नई चुनौतियाँ आकार ले रही हैं।  इन्ही के आगे बढ़ने से और इन्ही के वैचारिक नेतृत्व में संघर्ष व्यापक हो सकते हैं और निर्णायक दिशा में आगे बढ़ सकते हैं।  इन बातों के साथ में चर्चा आगे बढ़ी और सामान्य मत यह बना कि लोकविद्या विचार को आगे बढ़कर  समाज की  ताकत और संघर्ष की एक नई ज्ञान की भाषा बनानी चाहिए और उसी के मार्फ़त नई मुक्ति की राजनीति की सम्भावनों को उजागर करना चाहिए।

विजय जावंधिया सभा को सम्बोधित करते हुए 

दूसरे  सत्र में लोकविद्या और सामाजिक विषमता पर विशेष चर्चा हुई।  चर्चा का मुख्य विषय यह बन गया कि जल-जंगल-ज़मीन-खेती आदि के सम्बन्ध में लोगों के पास के विस्तृत ज्ञान के प्रति सरकारों की उदासीनता तथा स्थानीय संसाधनों व संपत्ति की लूट और जाति पर आधारित सामाजिक विषमता को बनाये रखने और बढ़ाने का काम ही विकास के कार्यक्रम करते हैं। सबने यह माना कि जातिगत विषमता में आज भी अस्पृश्यता की चुनौती सबसे बड़ी है।  और यह कि केवल आर्थिक उपायों से इससे मुकाबला हो सकेगा ऐसा लगता नहीं है।  लोकविद्या विचार की ओर से यह कहा गया कि आज की ज्ञान व्यवस्थाओं ने जातिगत विषमताओं को एक स्थायी व्यवस्था में फंसा कर रखा है। इस प्रश्न के हल के लिए और सामाजिक समता की ओर नए कदम बढ़ सकें इसके लिए लोकविद्या जन आंदोलन की वर्तमान ज्ञान व्यवस्थाओं को चुनौती एक महत्वपूर्ण योगदान हो सकती है। इस पर एक राय  बनी कि लोकविद्या जन आंदोलन की सभी मुहिमों में विषमता निर्मूलन के  विचारों और कार्यक्रमों को जोड़ा जाये।  

वासंती सरदार बैठक में अपने विचार रखते हुए  

अंतिम सत्र में लोकविद्या से काम करने वालों को सरकारी कर्मचारियों जैसी आय और राष्ट्रीय संसाधनों के बराबर के बंटवारे पर चर्चा हुई।  बहुत से लोगों के लिए यह नई बात थी इसलिए कई सवाल आए जिनके जवाब लोकविद्या जन आंदोलन की ओर से दिए गए।  यह दिखाया गया कि  किस तरह ये दोनों बातें लोकविद्या दर्शन की तार्किक व्यावहारिक परिणति हैं।  बात वेतन आयोग के सन्दर्भ में हुई।  यह तय हुआ कि राष्ट्रीय वेतन आयोग द्वारा निर्धारित  न्यूनतम आय से कम किसी को नहीं मिलना चाहिए।  और यह कि बिजली, पानी, स्वास्थ्य, शिक्षा और वित्त जैसे राष्ट्रीय संसाधन का समाज में बराबर का बंटवारा होना चाहिए। यह बात हुई कि इस मुहिम में लोकविद्या-समाज के संगठनों के नेताओं, विचारकों और संघर्षकर्ताओं से विस्तृत संवाद किया जाये। 

 इन मुद्दों पर मुहिम खड़ी  करने के लिए सर्व सम्मति से यह समिति बनायी गई - विलास भोंगाडे (संयोजक) , विजय जावंधिया, गिरीश सहस्रबुद्धे , प्रह्लाद गावंडे (यवतमाळ) , अशोक जाधव (कोल्हापुर),  गोपाल रायपुरे (चंद्रपुर), वासंती सरदार (धारगांव, भंडारा ), तेजश्री (पुणे), उमेश निनावे (नागपुर) और संजीव दाजी (इंदौर) ।

विजय जावंधिया, गिरीश सहस्रबुद्धे, विलास भोंगाडे  

Basic Questions Re-addressed

 Surendran had raised 'some questions to create clarity at this juncture' which are given below. These had appeared on this blog in a post dated 4th June containing notes by many including Surendran. I had been thinking since then that this line of dialogue needs to be pursued parallel to the questions of LJA strategy in the wake of 2014 General Elections. So I am writing my understanding of these under each question. 

0 Surendran :  Is there a hidden adherence to "science" in the formulation of lokavidya thought?

    Sunil : Not to my understanding. In fact as it has happened, it is the opposite of this. It was a search for an appropriate idiom describing our emerging view ( in Farmers' Movement and in PPST Movement) during the 1980s and early 1990s. We traversed through terms like Kisan Vigyan, Nari Vidya, Agaria Vidya, Swadeshi Vigyan to arrive at Lokavidya  in the beginning months of 1995. Some of us may remember the meeting in the Sarva Sewa Sangh Hall, Rajghat, Varanasi in the summer of 1995 called on a note entitled 'Lokavidya Pratishtha Prayas'. This entire effort was with the understanding that Science has been an equal companion of Imperialism in enslaving and maiming non-European civilizations. All of us came from Science background and the appearance of  ' a hidden adherence to Science' should be because of our inability to transcend that condition. And one cannot discern any such hidden or apparent adherence in many of us who do not come with such backgrounds. There are surely such people in Vidya Ashram and in Lokavidya Jan Andolan. What is understood by lokavidya depends more on what is done with it and how it gets elaborated from time to time and less on how it was formulated historically or even conceptually.

1. Surendran : Knowledge is a "species characteristic" ... seems to be is a strictly modern scientific description/view.
Sunil : It is, in my view too, a modern view alright, but need not be 'scientific'. It is modern to the extent it presents itself to analytical dissection but transcends modernity as it lays the basis for the understanding that everybody is knowledgeable and thereof to the possibility of a new political imagination that may help transcend the 'modern'.

2. Surendran : In what sense is science of networks and communication technology NOT science?
Sunil : This seems to do as much with naming as with conceptual mapping. And we may find that the naming part in this case is much more interesting and significant than the conceptual interrelationships, at least to start with. Today we have an engineer (software) who need not know any physics. And he is not called engineer by courtesy or for promotion, for he commands greater respect in society than other engineers. There is a race to be good at software, knowledge management and social media all of which require understanding and working with networks and theory of networks but presuppose no physics, no chemistry and so on.  However I must say that this entire phenomenon has just started so all views are views in situ.

3. Surendran : Is the description of science being 'Asuri' replaceable with something without a racial / hindu mythological connotation?
Sunil : We have already done it with 'shaitan' or ' anti-human' at different places. In fact stopped using 'asuri' after an initial stretch. Also when we used 'shaitan' we were not conscious of its religious/mythological connotation. So we have effectively stayed with anti-human for want of a more expressive positive term. The idea of धरती माँ may provide a good way of developing that new discourse where such things can be said in more telling and appropriate ways. It has made its political entry, courtesy Bolivia. We are yet to deliberate on it more comprehensively.

4. Surendran :  What is really the idea of knowledge not returning to Lokavidya, how does something return? Is it meant to denote givjng back, recreating the newer form etc. where is the creativity taking place to achieve that? And return, how slowly, how fast? Knowing this seems to be knowing all!
Sunil : While discussing knowledge returning to lokavidya one may pay attention to various aspects of knowledge under discussion, namely pieces of knowledge (information, skills, techniques etc.), technology, logic, etc. When we say science does not return to lokavidya we may mean that it does not become part of people's lives to the extent technology and logic refuse to undergo this transition. Pieces of knowledge are not the issue, they are anyway incorporated by people in their lives, some times willfully and some times under compulsions, irrespective of where they come from. It is not meant to denote giving back, but recreating in newer forms I suppose is one of the most welcome ways in which it can happen. The creativity for doing this is I guess what is called innovation, particularly in the spheres of activity of the lokavidya samaj.

5. Surendran : Will the farmer of the plain ( lokavidyadhar samaj) consider the tribal slash/burn cultivators equal in knowledge? Similar question in other hierarchies regarding some functions with defining characteristics of 'science'.
Sunil : I think they would, provided the universe of discourse, the socio-political milieu is not disorienting. The meaning of the second sentence is not clear.

6. Surendran : The characterization of "todays struggles are being carried out by people NOT educated in Universities, ( as opposed to student and women's movements ...) and that calling for the lokavidya perspective - is this division of the history of struggles accurate or convenient or motivated by different considerations?

more later.

Sunil : This division of the history of struggles is from an understanding of who has gained and who has lost with the emergence of the new politics, science and commerce in the preceding centuries beginning in Europe and spreading all over the globe. Therefore such division of struggles is expected to provide the context for a politics that may liberate the losers from the condition they are in.

Sunil Sahasrabudhey

__________________________________

This article was written (and published) for Lokavidya Prapancham, our Telugu fortnightly. It is being reproduced here for comments from other readers

THE ELECTION RESULT AND LOKAVIDYA JAN ANDOLAN
Krishnarajulu(27.05.2014)

The elections mark a victory for Narendra Modi. Even the other 280 BJP  candidates(MPs) who won can attribute their victory to Narendra Modi. Large sections of Lokavidyadhar Samaj, especially in UP and Bihar have voted for Narendra Modi, probably with the hope that his government  would address some of the many problems (of existence) that they face today. During the past six months other individuals, especially those of the Aam Aadmi Party, have also won elections. There is a striking similarity in what all these people and Modi have in common. They are ALL identified as non-corrupt and primarily 'committed' to non-corrupt governance. The Anna Hazare movement against corruption set the scene for the remarkable victory of candidates against whom there are no charges of corruption. The anti-corruption movement seems to have struck a chord in the rank and file of Lokavidyadhar Samaj and they voted accordingly.

In all states, apart from the southern states and West Bengal, the vote was, in the main, for non-corrupt governance being offered by Modi. In Punjab, the corrupt Akali Dal government, whose ally was BJP, performed miserably at the polls and the people elected AAP candidates who had a non-corrupt  record. In West Bengal, the Trinamool Congress fared very well because like Modi ordinary people see Mamta Banerjee as non-corrupt. In Odissa too, BJD also has a  non-corrupt track record. In the states of Tamil Nadu and Kerala people voted for relatively non-corrupt candidates/parties.

A relatively large section of 'Backward' castes, Muslims and Dalits in UP and Bihar, who form a sizable section of Lokavidyadhar Samaj, seem to have voted for BJP candidates in UP and Bihar this time. In contrast, in Hyderabad, the Muslims comprising largely of artisans, small traders/shopkeepers and those engaged in semi-skilled manual-labour in the modern sector, have voted  for a  party that speaks only about the  concerns of the Muslim community maybe because they had no alternative non-corrupt party/candidates to choose from. They did not get swayed by the Modi 'wave'.

The youth (first-time voters) have also largely voted for Narendra Modi. This section of society has received modern education and are socially and economically upward-mobile. They do not think in terms of Lokavidya- modern education has almost completely alienated them from Lokavidya. Choosing between candidates/parties on the basis of caste, creed, religion, region etc are not primary criteria for them. A modern developmental agenda, with a no-corruption tag, appeals to them. Their concerns do not necessarily cover the plight of Lokavidyadhar Samaj and most of them believe that modern technology, especially Information Technology, will provide  solutions to ALL problems faced by ordinary people. China is a leading example of this perception.

It is also to be noted that many respected socio-political activists who have led and participated in many pro-Samaj movements during the past decades have NOT been elected even in constituencies where they did grass-root level work. This clearly points to the fact that this form of representative democracy(involving a great 'distance' between people and representatives) is not being seen by the Samaj as a route to liberation. This points to the need for a more grass-root form of democracy (Gram Panchayat etc) involving local representatives only and may be supported by the Samaj.

The capitalist enterprise- centralised capitalist production and an expanding capitalist market- has nutured a huge all-pervading corrupt class of politicians and bureaucrats. The capitalists have been working their programmes and executing their plans by encouraging this corrupt class. The people of the Samaj have been bearing the brunt of the development agenda of the capitalists through widespread displacement, resulting in loss of livelihoods, denial of access to 'modern education' and alienation from Lokavidya. The 'face' of this destructive agenda, that the members of the Samaj see, are those of the corrupt politicians and bureaucrats, especially  at village and panchayat level.
The Anna Hazare movement and the Aam Aadmi Party victory at Delhi that followed, have apparently gone a long way in raising the hopes of the Samaj for a new era of non-corrupt governance.  The recent election results clearly point towards this.

This however, does not imply that there will be any slowdown in capitalist market expansion or that there will be a moderation in exploitation of natural resources for the capitalist industry. There will consequently be no reduction in displacement of farmers and tribals from land and forests and fisherfolk from small water bodies and swamplands. In fact, in all probability there will be a more vigorous expansion of the capitalist enterprise and more misery for the Samaj.

The media, which is controlled by big business interests, has been vociferously (and successfully) campaigning for Modi. The entire election campaign focussed on 'development' and good governanace and the public were made to believe that both these would be delivered in full measure by the Modi government. Apart from the campaign by the 'secular' parties about communal agenda of BJP , the media did not touch upon the socio-economic plight of Lokavidydhar Samaj consequent to the development agenda of the UPA government. In fact, the thrust of the campaign was to highlight the fact that this very development agenda was derailed by the lack of good governance and extreme corruption!

It is therefore very likely that in the near future, the condition of the Samaj is going to become more bleak. The plan to rapidly 'urbanise' the population will lead to large-scale displacement and the growth of urban slums and social unrest. The plan to increase growth rate (which means push capitalist production to the extreme) will result in greater exploitation of natural resources and destruction of the natural environment. All sections of the Samaj will become more enslaved to the urbanised popoulation. Farmers will be forced to quit farming or adopt high cost 'modern cultivation methods( based on GM seeds, fertilizers, pesticides etc). Artisans will be completely wiped out of the production map. Small shopkeepers will also be pushed out of business in greater and greater numbers (with the push for FDI in retail). Dalits and tribals will be 'liberated' into the new slavery and become co-consumers of the capitalist market.

The tasks ahead

The opening up of political  'space' for non-corrupt governance is where the LJA agenda can find a foothold.  The core demand of LJA i.e. that each working person, irrespective of his knowledge and skills, gets at least a minimum wage equivalent to what is paid to a  Government employee; can be put forth with full vigour as the basic demand of the Samaj. This will strengthen the emergence of a Lokavidya-based identity that would help transcend caste, regional, gender and religious identity that have hitherto greatly affected the unity of the Samaj. This would also bring into sharp focus the knowledge-divide and the great socio-economic divide that pervades our society.

LJA should spread deep and wide into the Lokavidyadhar heartlands pressing its basic demand. There should be a concerted campaign to make people aware of the denial of the fundamental right to 'live by Lokavidya'. All entitlements as per existing Acts, laws and regulations such as Panchayat control over local natural resources, free access to education and  health, equitable distribution of natural resources such as water, electricity, spectrum etc; should be simultaneously pressed for. Widespread mobilisation against unjust displacement should be planned whenever necessary. Local markets should be established and strengthened.

All aspects of its 'weaknesses' (division and conflict based on caste, creed, religion, region, language etc) will be exploited by the ruling classes to their advantage and NOT for the liberation of the Samaj. So, a  movement to create a sense of awareness of the current state of affairs of the Samaj and its emerging relationship with the ruling classes and their development agenda, needs to be widely carried out. This is possible ONLY if Lokavidyadhar Samaj can see a hope of reorgansing itself again on the basis of equality and its inherent strength i.e Lokavidya. The agenda of LJA  will be defined in terms of movements aimed at creating this awareness.

                                   

जन संघर्षों में एकता की पहल

7 -8 जून 2014 की बैठक की संक्षिप्त रिपोर्ट

विद्या आश्रम ,सारनाथ वाराणसी, उ0प्र0

जन संघर्षों में एकता की पहल विषय पर 7 -8 जून 2014 को एक बैठक विद्या आश्रम ,सारनाथ वाराणसी, उ0प्र0 में आयोजित की गयी थी, जिसमे उत्तर प्रदेश ,बिहार ,मध्य प्रदेश व दिल्ली के करीब 50 साथिओं ने भाग लिया था। इस बैठक की पहल विद्या आश्रम और संघर्ष 2014 ने किया  और इसकी परिकल्पना वाराणसी में चुनाव अभियान के आख़री दिन 10 मई को की गयी थी । वाराणसी और आसपास की क्षेत्र में आम चुनाव के दरमियान संघर्ष 2014 द्वारा शुरू की गयी 15 दिन व्यापी अभियान में कई संगठनों,समुदायों  और व्यक्तिओं के साथ कंपनी राज व अन्य बुनियादी मुद्दों पर नियमित चर्चा चलती रही जो की चुनाव के समय में भी और चुनाव बाद की परिस्थिति के लिए प्र्रसांगिक हैं । हालांकि मुख्य पार्टियां उन मुद्दों पर कोई ठोस चर्चा नही कर रहें थे। उसी माहौल में ही यह तय किया गया था की इस चर्चा की प्रक्रिया को चुनाव के बाद की स्थिति में भी आगे ले जाना होगा और एक निष्कर्ष निकालकर कोई सामूहिक कार्यक्रम भी शुरू करना होगा ।  इस प्रक्रिया को आगे ले जाने के लिए मुख्य रूप से तीन संगठनो की सहमति बनी थी ।  संघर्ष 2014 की मुख्य आधार धरती माँ की सुरक्षा है, और विद्या आश्रम के लिए लोक विद्या प्रणाली को स्थापित करना तथा युवा भारत आम आदमी पार्टी की एवं जन-राजनैतिक प्रक्रिया में प्रभावी हस्तक्षेप करना है ।  इन बहुआयामी उद्देश्यों को एक खाका में लाने के लिए जनप्रयासों को मजबूत करने हेतु  व्यापक और बिस्तृत चर्चा की जरुरत सभी ने महसूस किया था और इस प्रक्रिया को आगे चलाने की निर्णय लिया गया था। इसी जरूरत के अनुसार 7 -8 जून 2014 की बैठक तय की गयी थी जिसमे विभिन्न्न क्षेत्रों में कार्यरत कार्यकर्तागण व समुदायों की प्रतिनिधिगण ने भाग लिया । 

बैठक में पहला मुद्दा चुनाव परिणाम और उसके बाद की स्थिति का विश्लेषण रहा जिसपर लगभग सभी साथी ने गंभीरता के साथ अपने अपने  विचार रखे । कुछ साथिओं ने इस पर कुछ महत्तपूर्ण सुझाव भी रखे । यह चर्चा काफी लम्बी रही व दिन भर चली जिसके बाद कुछ ठोस निष्कर्ष भी निकले । उल्लेखनीय बात ये थी की कोई भी साथी मौजदा हालत के दबाव  में नही हंै बल्कि व्यवस्था से लड़ने के लिए उत्साहित हंै । ये बाते सामने आई की मौजूदा सरकार बड़े बड़े देशी विदेशी कंपनियों के दबाव में हैं, और इन्हीं के फायदे के लिए काम भी करेगी । इसी लिए अब संघर्ष सीधा पूंजीवादी और प्रभुत्ववादी शक्तिओं के साथ है। और यह संघर्ष जनांदोलनों और जनसंगठनों को ही मुख्य रूप से लड़ना होगा । क्योंकि मौजूदा मुख्य राजनैतिक पार्टियां अब पूंजीवादी ताकतों के खिलाफ नही लड़ सकती ,ऐसे संघर्ष के लिए उनके संगठोनों में ताकत नही है और न ही जनसमुदायों  के  साथ उनका कोई सीधा राजनैतिक सम्बन्ध है। बल्कि ये सारी पार्टियां बिचैलियों के ज़रिये से काम करती हैं । राजनैतिक नेतृत्व के साथ लोगों का कोई सीधा रिश्ता नही है । लिहाजा  पूंजीवादी और प्रभुत्ववादी शक्तिओं के खिलाफ निर्णायक संघर्ष संगठित जनपहल से ही हो सकती है । इस निर्णायक संघर्ष को ज़मीनी स्तर  पर और वैचारिक स्तर पर भी लड़ना होगा। ये पूंजीवादी शक्ति भी पुराने तरीके से नही चल रही है नए नए तरीका इस्तेमाल कर रहे  हैं इसीलिए इन शक्तिओं के खिलाफ संघर्ष भी पुराने तरीके से नही लड़ा जा सकता है । नए तरीके का इजाफा करना होगा जिसके लिए नई राजनैतिक  आयाम  भी तैयार करना होगा । भूमंडलीकरण ,नवउदारवादी राजनैतिक अर्थशास्त्र के चलते आज पूंजी आधारित विकास मॉडल को ही अनिवार्य माना जा रहा है और तमाम सरकारी और बौद्धिक संस्थानें इससे ग्रस्ति है । इसके पलट में वैकल्पिक व्यवस्था का स्वरुप तैयार करना होगा जो श्रम और  लोक विद्या आधारित ज्ञान सम्पदा  पर आधारित होगा । जबकि आज श्रम पूंजी के कब्जे में है और लोक विद्या भी संस्थागत पूंजीवादी टेक्नोलॉजी के बोझतले दबी हुई है । श्रम को पूंजी से आज़ाद करने के लिए और लोक विद्या को सही मकाम पर स्थापित करने हेतु एक नया वैचारिक संघर्ष शुरू करना होगा और उसी संघर्ष से वैकल्पिक व्यवस्था का खाका भी निकलेगा जो एक टिकाऊ और दूरगामी विचारों को स्थापित करेगा । 

इस  चर्चा के  बाद इन्ही मूलभूत बिन्दुओ पर विस्तार से चर्चा हुई और भविष्य की कार्यक्रमों पर बातचीत शुरू हुई । करीब दो घंटे की गहन चर्चा के बाद एक ठोस कार्य योजना तय की गयी जो निम्नलिखित है -

• जन संघर्षों में एकता की पहल के शीर्षक पर एक मुहीम शुरू की जाएगी जो एक साल तक चलेगी । इस मुहीम का वैचारिक आधार धरती माँ की रक्षा, लोक विद्या का राजनैतिक और शैक्षिक क्षेत्रों में प्रतिष्ठित होना तथा जन-राजनैतिक प्रक्रिया को     मजबूत करना होगा । 
• मुहीम को व्यापक स्तर पर ले जाने के लिए बैठक ,सम्मलेन ,गोष्ठी आदि आयोजित की जाएगी जिसमे आम कार्यकर्ता आसानी से भाग ले सकें । 
•  सरल भाषा में लेखन सामग्री  तैयार करना होगा। 
•  इस मुहीम की शुरुआत कैमूर क्षेत्र से होगी। कैमुर 5 राज्यों उ.प्र.,बिहार ,झारखण्ड,म.प्र. और छत्तीसगढ़ में फैला हुआ है ।  इन 5 राज्यों में वहां के क्षेत्रीय संगठनों को भी इस मुहीम में जोड़ना  होगा। यह तय हुआ कि इन पांचों राज्यों में आगामी एक वर्ष में जनसम्मेलन करना होगा। इस मुहिम की शुरूआत बिहार के कैमूर जिला के अधौरा प्रखंड़ से 18 व 19 अगस्त 2014, प्रबुद्ध सामाजिक चिंतक डा0 विनयन की पुण्यतिथि से होगी। 
• इस मुहिम का संपर्क केन्द्र सिंगरौली म0प्र0 में होगा।
• इस पूरे मुहिम को संचालन करने के लिए 14 सदस्यीय एक संचालन समिति का गठन किया गया जिसमें ज़मीनी स्तर के     कार्यकर्ता और समुदाय के प्रतिनिधि शामिल हैं। 

अशोक चौधरी 

संघर्ष 2014 

बैठक के कुछ फोटो 

विचार विमर्श का एक दृश्य 

अंतिम सत्र में बोलते हुए सुनील सहस्रबुद्धे  (ऊपर) और अशोक चौधरी (नीचे)

विद्या आश्रम 

Following is an invitation to June 28-29 2014 Nagpur, announced earlier on this blog. Meeting convened by LJA. Attached is also the Agenda for the meeting.

Lokavidya Jan-Aandolan, Nagpur

D-1, Vrutta Srushti Sankul, Near Bole Petrol Pump,	Tel: 09422559348, 09890336873
East High Court Road, Dharampeth, Nagpur 440010	Email: ljamaharashtra@gmail.com
Blog: http://lokavidyajanandolan.blogspot.com/	Website: http://vidyaashram.org

Invitation to Meeting of

Organizations of Lokavidya Samaaj and Peoples' Movements

[10.30 AM, 28 June -- 04.00 PM, 29 June, 2014]

Venue:

Vinoba Vichar Kendra, Amravati Road,

Near Bole Petrol Pump, Dharampeth,

Nagpur 440010

3

Reapected Sir / Madam,

During the past few months the country witnessed the heat and dust of the process of general elections. The results have brought to the fore an almost total political marginal-ization of peoples' movements. A new government is in power as a result of an urge for change, absence of alternatives and in complete absence of even a semblance of any national debate on economic and social policy. Peoples' movements in the country not only do not expect any radical departure from post-1990 economic policies pursued by successive central governments, but, on the other hand, apprehend a deepening of the same policy and its consequences. Among the activists of these movements there is a wide perception of an urgent need for new perspectives in formulation of peoples' questions. All are in search of ideas, which may provide a basis for unity as well as for politics of emergence of a society honouring social equality and justice. Lokavidya Jan Aandolan is an initiative in service of this need.

Dominant political practice revolves around the idea of development. All major and minor political parties and organizations speak the idiom of development. So do most of the peoples' movements, albeit with a humanitarian tempering of the idea. However, the very idea is fraught with two presumptions, which command a central position in it. The rst is that people are illiterate, ignorant, incapable, and so poor and weak. The second is that they need external agencies and forces to educate and develop their communities and so liberate them from the pervasive darkness of ordinary life. No amount of humanitarian tempering and patronization of people for their skills has ever dislodged these presumptions.

Lokavidya Jan Aandolan believes that people are knowledgeable. They live and or-ganize their societies by their knowledge. The central political reality today is that large sections of people have managed their lives entirely on the basis of their own knowledge of land, forest, water, environment, materials, economics, markets, management, culture, justice and truth. They do this in the face of severely repressive external conditions created by state policy, global markets, administrative apathy and natural calamities. It is this reality that provides a thread common to people in struggles led by peoples' organizations. This is their strength. It is essential to see that for them the politics of development, at best a ghostly shadow of radical politics of the past, is in fact a mere web  of deceit and fraud.    

Peoples' questions can be successfully addressed only in and by peoples' movements. A widespread peoples' movement needs rethinking peoples' questions from a fresh beginning. Lokavidya Jan Aandolan believes that strength in peoples' knowledge (lokavidya) is the nucleus for a unifying political idea for peoples' movements. The idiom of development should be discarded and search for a unifying idiom, that captures this strength to think and reformulate peoples' questions, should begin.

On this background Lokavidya Jan Aandolan, Nagpur is organizing a Meeting of peo-ples' movements and organizations of lokavidya samaaj, that is of farmers, dalit-aadivasis, artisans, women and small shop-owners. The Meeting will discuss formulation of peo-ples' questions with the above perspective. The discussions on the second day will center around two points in order to focus on peoples' knowledge and its potential for social regeneration. These are as under.

1. Working by ones own knowledge and abilities, everyone must be assured of a minimum income, which is not less than the minimum wages laid down by pay commissions constituted from time to time by the govern-ment for the organized sector;

2. Unequal distribution of national resources on the basis of supposedly progressive science and technology, economics and modern management practices must stop and these resources, namely education, health ser-vices, electricity, water and nance, must be distributed equally.

We cordially invite you to the Meeting. Your thought and your experience of peoples' organization and struggles will make a huge contribution to the Meeting and help it reach a fruitful programmatic conclusion.

	With regards,
Vijay Jawandhia	Girish Sahasrabudhe	Vilas Bhongade
09421727998	09422559348	09890336873

The Agenda for the Meeting: