Wednesday, January 29, 2014

Invitation to Participate in this Debate on Caste

This is to invite you to join this debate on caste. Please find time to write on this blog.

This debate on caste in lokavidya perspective started by Krishnarajulu and Surendran on 15 January 2014 on this blog was already taking place between some LJA activists like Lalit Kaul, Avinash, Surendran and myself. The views of these people then expressed have been all put in the comment box under Krishnarajulu's post of January 15. I am writing this here because the comment box writings do not go to the mail boxes of the subscribers to this blog, also with the request that you may please visit the blog and have a look at these.

This is further to say that the Lokavidya Movement has been confronting the caste question since the beginning. We wrote on issues related to caste in Lokavidya Panchayat, the Hindi periodical when there was a proposal to include caste in the 2011 census. However no directed debate was tried earlier. There is a consensus that such a debate is of utmost importance from the LJA point of view. Further, since lately the polity has been experiencing a serious disturbance through a wave claiming and garnering support for a new political culture, this is also an opportune time to debate caste and knowledge based transcendence of the reality as given. So this is to invite you to participate. You may write in Hindi, Telugu, Marathi or in any other language.

Sunil Sahasrabudhey

Sunday, January 26, 2014

A Social Interpretation of History?

 In continuation of the earlier blog and following the general consensus that this discussion ought to move to the LJA blog I thought it is best to plant some small seeds without drying them well!

It is important to emphasize that the 'demand' for choice of caste and ' castelessness of sants, women and children' is voiced under a system ( prevalent in the immediate past ) which is using the instrument of reservation to perpetuate rule of a oligarchic democracy, to create agents of power ( read representatives, bargaining agents, laisoning officers for interest groups, lawyers and pundits who interpret the books,...) under a dominant patriarchy based on ownership and inheritance. And what is its real basis? The life span division is,as we saw elsewhere, the natural order. It is only the establishment of choice itself that demands explanation. And one needs to go to the basics, before the establishment of the order. It is primarily two things

1. The knowledge conveyed through poetry, arts and literature portraying the prehistory and oral history, the story of continuous  displacement and the practice of dealing with the vanquished/conquered as lower class and service people - kings stripped of powers...becoming a ' woodcutter at the cremation ghat' , landlords becoming agricultural labourers, nobility becoming slaves, sisters and wives huddled into dungeons of vice and debauchery of the winners, and so on - called the mythology by modern man. And the knowledge of this process is 'ordinary knowledge' with in lokavidya. That is, lokavidya has a knowledge not only of survival under the forces of nature, but also of history of displacement and evolution of caste divisions, the origin of strands of sant parampara - one chela following the guru, another establishing a new order- lokavidya does not take sides.

In short, there is an alternative interpretation of history at work, more real than what economists created in the context of industrial revolutions. And lokavidya considers this to be the natural order arising from the human nature, such that exemplary order and creative pursuits are deliberate actions of the mind - like the sculpting of Lord Gomanteswara at Sravanabelagola - incomprehensible. And having known the 'true history' of the people in its imagination it is voicing in the social realm what constituencies and reservations did (and continues to do) in the economic realm.

2. Is its inherent lack of future-orientation in the sense of the developmental democracy or economy driven systems. In the urban developmental imagination what is the orientation of future, what is the driving force corresponding to the construction and reconstruction of order we encountered in lokavidya? Nothing! people see nothing except themselves, a stronger form of themselves, a clone of the prevailing order, just like humans see their children - just the same. To see future in children only the sants can do- the sants in the lokavidya parampara. Thus we are instead imagining a society in which the humans beings are humbly reflecting on the thoughts yet to be discovered tomorrow, the accomplishments of the future generations , their children's goals, their gods, the possibilities which escape them now, ... not the replication of the forgotten or possibly untrue!

So, to some extent at least, it is these two aspects, which one may call the meta-knowledge of lokavidya, which must be exemplified to visualize the dynamics in the social route to human liberation.  That is, it is as if, just as the economic interpretation of history has been leading thought behind liberation wars and democracy, there lies within the lokavidya another interpretation of history - which we may name the 'social interpretation of history'. In categorical terms, while the former interpretation is seen as capital centric, this one is human centric. It is to be seen if this will become an important ingredient in the  mobilization of the new opinion and the 'truth' in the new political imagination. There are a number of questions the samaj asks itself and perhaps among them is - Who are we?

Tuesday, January 21, 2014

मुलताई : लोकविद्या जन आंदोलन समागम व शहीद किसान स्मृति सम्मलेन 11-12 जनवरी 2014

लोकविद्या जन आंदोलन (लोजआ) मुलताई समागम 

11  जनवरी 2014 को आशीर्वाद लॉन, मुलताई, जिला बैतूल, मध्य प्रदेश में हुए लोजआ समागम ने इस बात पर ज़ोर दिया कि देश भर में हो रहे किसानों के आंदोलनों के अंतर्गत यह ज्ञान आंदोलन एक नई राजनीतिक सोच बनाता है। इन संघर्षों के बीच समन्वय के प्रयासों के मार्फ़त लोकविद्या अपने ज्ञान के दावे पेश करेगी और दोनों मिलकर फिर लोकविद्याधर समाज की एक नई राजनीति की ओर कदम बढ़ाएंगे।

किसान संघर्ष समिति के साथ मिलकर आयोजित इस जमावड़े में करीब 150 लोगों ने भाग लिया।  इंदौर, नागपुर, वाराणसी, सिंगरौली और मुलताई के क्षेत्रों से किसान और दस्तकार भाग लेने आये।  इन सभी स्थानों तथा हैदराबाद और चिराला के सभी लोजआ कार्यकर्त्ता उपस्थित थे।  समागम लोकविद्या सत्संग से शुरू हुआ।  वाराणसी के हीरामनपुर और बभनपुरा तथा इंदौर के खुर्दी गाँवों से आई मंडलियों ने कबीर-लोकविद्या पदों के मार्फ़त वह लोकविद्या दर्शन पेश किया जिसमें संगठित विद्या की माया की तुलना में लोकविद्या की वास्तविकता उजागर होती है।  वर्धा के खुर्सापुर से आये कार्यकर्ताओं ने उत्साहवर्धक संघर्ष गीत पेश किये।  सत्संग ने समागम का सुर निर्धारित कर दिया।

सुनील सहस्रबुद्धे, डा. सुनीलम, कृष्णा ठाकरे , संजीव दाजी , अवधेश कुमार , लक्ष्मीचंद दुबे , रवि शेखर , डा. गिरीश सहस्रबुद्धे , विलास भोंगाडे , डा. बी. कृष्णराजुलु , मोहन राव , नारायण राव , दिलीप कुमार , लक्ष्मण प्रसाद , सुरेश यादव, एहसान अली और डा. चित्रा सहस्रबुद्धे ने सभा को सम्बोधित किया।  इन लोगों के वक्तव्यों में सभा के लिए तय मुद्दों के अनुकूल ही निम्नलिखित बातें विस्तार पाईं।

  1. किसानों के संघर्षों के बीच समन्वय और लोकविद्याधर समाज में व्यापक एकता की  दृष्टि से  इन संघर्षों के बारे में बात करने के लिए लोकविद्या विचार से अनुप्राणित ज्ञान की भाषा के इस्तेमाल का बड़ा महत्व है। 
  2. सिंगरौली , इंदौर , वाराणसी , नागपुर , हैदराबाद और चिराला के क्षेत्रों में लोजआ की गतिविधियों के बारे में बताया गया।  मुलताई के किसानों का संघर्ष विस्तार से प्रस्तुत किया गया।  
  3. लोकविद्या दर्शन पर बात हुई तथा व्यावहारिक सामाजिक और राजनैतिक दावों पर चर्चा की  गई।  
इस मौके पर प्रकाशित पुस्तिका और पर्चे के मार्फ़त तथा भाषणों के जरिये नीचे दिए लोकविद्या के दावे समझाए गए और प्रचारित किये गए।  
  • लोकविद्या के आधार पर अपनी ज़िन्दगी संगठित करना यह हर व्यक्ति का जन्मसिद्ध अधिकार है।  इसलिए विस्थापन पूरी तरह बंद हो और किसान , कारीगर व आदिवासियों के उत्पादन को जायज मूल्य मिले।  
  • ज्ञान की  दुनिया में ऊँच-नीच सर्वथा नाजायज़ है।  लोकविद्या के सहारे जीने वालों की भी उतनी ही आय होनी चाहिए जितनी पढ़े-लिखे लोगों की होती है। 
  • राष्ट्रीय संसाधनों का बराबर का बंटवारा हो - बिजली , पानी , वित्त , स्वास्थ्य और शिक्षा, सभी का।  
  • स्थानीय व्यवस्थाओं पर स्थानीय समाजों का नियंत्रण हो - प्रशासन, बाज़ार , संसाधन , सभी कुछ। 
  • गाँव -गाँव  में मीडिया स्कूल हो।  यह एक नव-निर्माण का प्रयास है, जिसमें गाँव के युवाओं को लोकविद्या दृष्टिकोण से अपनी बात कहना, प्रस्तुत करना , सम्प्रेषित करना आदि सिखाया जायेगा।
इन सभी बिंदुओं पर हिंदी पुस्तिका जनसंघर्ष और लोकविद्याधर समाज की एकता  ( पृष्ठ 26 -30 ) में विस्तार से चर्चा की गई है। 

अंत में लोजआ और किसान संघर्ष समिति ने मिलकर यह तय किया कि विभिन्न राज्यों में लोकविद्या समूह बनाये जायेंगे जो लोकविद्या के इन पाँच दावों को पेश करेंगे और किसानों , आदिवासियों , कारीगरों , महिलाओं और पटरी के दुकानदारों के संघर्षों में घुल-मिल कर काम करेंगे। वहाँ उपस्थित मध्य प्रदेश के साथियों ने वहीँ ऐसा समूह बना लिया और यह तय किया गया कि लोजआ लोकविद्याधर समाज के संघर्षों के साथ मिलकर महारष्ट्र , आंध्र प्रदेश, उत्तर प्रदेश, उत्तराखंड और दिल्ली में ऐसे समूह बनाएगा।  

जन आंदोलन और नई राजनीति 

अब कई दशकों से किसान आंदोलन और जल-जंगल-ज़मीन आंदोलन के मार्फ़त इस देश के जन आंदोलन आकार लेते रहे हैं।  लोजआ अपने को जनता के एक ऐसे ज्ञान आंदोलन के रूप में देखता है जो इन दो धाराओं को एक करके उस अगले चरण में ले जाये, जहाँ इनके अपने मुद्दों के इर्द-गिर्द  राजनीति खड़ी की जा सके। इस समागम का समय और स्थान दोनों इस उद्देश्य के अनुकूल थे।  यह वही स्थान है जहाँ 1998 में  24 किसान पुलिस की गोली से मारे गए थे। आज समय वह है जब दो नई राजनैतिक धाराएं उभरती नज़र आ रही हैं।  एक वह है जो ज्ञान के नए संगठन, सूचना प्रौद्योगिकी और नए व्यावसायिक वर्गों के बीच से उभर रही है और दूसरी किसान संघर्षों की  निरंतरता लेते हुए लोकविद्याधर समाज और लोकविद्या में अपनी ताकत , समझ और दर्शन का स्रोत देखती है।  हिंदी पुस्तिका जनसंघर्ष और लोकविद्याधर समाज की एकता  ( पृष्ठ 21-24  ) में इसकी थोड़ी चर्चा की गई है।  लिंक :  

शहीद किसान स्मृति सम्मलेन 

किसान संघर्ष समिति ने 12 जनवरी को शहीद किसानों की स्मृति में एक सम्मलेन आयोजित किया जिसमें कई जगह से किसान और सामाजिक कार्यकर्ता शामिल हुए।  पहले बड़ी संख्या में लोग बस स्टेशन के पास शहीद स्मारक स्तम्भ पर 12  जनवरी 1998 के शहीदों को श्रद्धांजलि देने के लिए इकठ्ठा हुए।  डा. सुनीलम ने दस मिनट में अपनी बात रखी, फिर सब एक जुलूस की शक्ल में पास ही के हाई स्कूल के मैदान जा कर एक सभा में तब्दील हो गए जिसकी अध्यक्षता किसान संघर्ष समिति के अध्यक्ष श्री टंटी  चौधरी ने की।  इस सभा को किसान नेताओं और सामाजिक कार्यकर्ताओं ने सम्बोधित किया।  ये सब शहीद किसानों को श्रद्धांजलि देने आये थे।  सभा को एक अति संवेदनशील समारोह के रूप में आयोजित किया गया।  शहीदों की माता या पत्नी या परिवार के किसी सदस्य को शाल ओढ़ा कर सम्मानित किया गया।  एक रक्तदान शिविर का आयोजन किया गया और छोटी-छोटी मेधावी छात्राओं को पुरस्कार और प्रमाण पत्र देकर प्रोत्साहित किया गया।  एक विस्तृत मुलताई किसान घोषणापत्र पढ़ कर सुनाया गया और पारित किया गया।  यह इस किस्म का 16 वाँ आयोजन था।  यह कार्यक्रम एक उम्मीद ज़िंदा रखता है।  लोकविद्या जन आंदोलन ऐसे मौके के लिए आमंत्रित किये जाने पर और यहाँ उपस्थित हो कर अपने को सम्मानित महसूस करता है।  

इन कार्यक्रमों के फ़ोटो 15 जनवरी 2014  को इस ब्लॉग पर छपी अंग्रेजी रपट के साथ दिए हुए हैं।  

विद्या आश्रम 

Wednesday, January 15, 2014

Multai Events : LJA Convention & Shaheed Kisan Smriti Sammelan 11-12 Jan. 2014

Lokavidya Jan Andolan Multai Samagam  (Ashirvad Lawn, Multai, Dist. Betul, Madhya Pradesh ) 

The LJA convention on 11th January 2014 decided on a program that is expected to take this knowledge movement to the next stage through a direct association with the struggles of the peasantry across the country. Attempt at coordination among the struggles is to constitute the ground from where lokavidya is to make its knowledge claims and the two together would then move on towards a political imagination of the Lokavidyadhar Samaj.
The convention organized in collaboration with Kisan Sangharsh Samiti was attended by about 150 persons. There was participation of farmers and artisans from Indore, Nagpur, Varanasi, Singrauli and Multai regions. All the LJA activists from these places and from Hyderabad and Chirala were present. The convention began with Lokavidya Satsang in which groups of singers from Hiramanpur and Babhanpura (Varanasi) and from Khurdi (Indore) performed to present lokavidya darshan through Kabir-gayaki which focused on the reality of lokavidya in contrast to the 'appearance' that organized knowledge is. A group from Khursapar (Wardha) presented encouraging struggle songs to add to the occasion. This Satsang set the tone and the pitch of the convention. 
The convention was addressed by Sunil Sahasrabudhey, Dr. Sunilam, Krishna Thakre, Sanjeev Daji , Awdhesh Kumar, Lakshmichand Dube, Ravi Shekhar, Dr. Girish Sahasrabudhey, Vilas Bhongade, Dr.B. Krishnarajulu,  Mohan Rao, Narayan Rao, Dilip Kumar 'dili', Laxman Prasad, Suresh Yadav, Ehsaan Ali and Dr. Chitra Sahasrabudhey. Largely in conformity with the agenda three aspects got especially elaborated in these talks. 
  1. The idea of coordination among struggles of farmers through a stress on using a lokavidya impregnated language of knowledge to talk about and represent these struggles and focus on the larger unity of all the segments of lokavidyadhar samaj. 
  2. Activity of LJA in different regions, namely Singrauli, Indore, Varanasi, Nagpur, Hyderabad and Chirala. And a major presentation of the struggle of farmers of Multai. 
  3. The philosophy of lokavidya and the practical claims that need to be proclaimed today. 

The lokavidya claims put forward through a pamphlet and a booklet published on this occasion :
  • To live by lokavidya is the birth-right of every human being. So stop all displacement.
  • Hierarchy in the world of knowledge is totally unjust. Those who live by lokavidya must get as much return as the modern educated do. 
  • Everybody must have an equal share in national resources - electricity, water, finance, health and education. 
  • Local society must control local systems-governance, market, resources, all. 
  • There should be a media school in every village. This is a nav-nirman effort to enable the village youth in the representation, communication and articulation of the standpoint of the village, the lokavidya standpoint. 
Greater discussion on all these points is available in the Hindi booklet 'Jan Sangharsh Aur Lokavidyadhar Samaj ki Ekta' ( pages 26-30 ). See this link -

In the concluding hour Kisan Sangharsh Samiti joined LJA in resolving that these five points will be focused upon by building lokavidya samooh (groups)  in different states and these groups shall work in close coordination with the actual struggles of farmers, adivasis, artisans, women and small retailers. Madhya Pradesh activists present there formed this group for their state and it was decided that this would be done in Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra, Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand and Delhi through holding such conventions in these states by LJA in collaboration with struggles of lokavidyadhar samaj there. 

For decades now people's movement has been shaping itself through the two strands of Kisan Andolan and Jal-Jangal-Jameen Andolan. LJA sees itself as a knowledge movement of the people which will enable these strands to intertwine and become one to boot into higher forms, popularly known as transitioning into a political phase on one's own terms. Both the place and the time of this convention were entirely suited for the purpose. The place, Multai, is where 24 peasants were massacred by the state administration in 1998. The time, struggles of the peasantry across the country pose themselves to preface the emergence of two new political strands, one based in the new organization of knowledge, the new technologies and the new professional classes and the other deriving its strength, understanding and spiritual resource from lokavidya and from the people who live by lokavidya. Some discussion on this is available in  the Hindi booklet 'Jan Sangharsh Aur Lokavidyadhar Samaj ki Ekta' ( pages 21-24 ) available at    

Kisan Sangharsh Samiti - Shaheed Kisan Smriti Sammelan 

In memory of the farmer-martyrs of Multai, 12th January saw the gathering of farmers and a variety of social activists from many places. A large number first converged on the Shaheed Smarak Stambh near the Bus Station to pay homage to the martyrs of 12th January 1998. It was addressed by Dr. Sunilam for 10 minutes and then  the people marched in a procession to the nearby High School ground to convert into a meeting, presided over by Sh. Tanti Chaudhari, President Kisan Sangharsh Samiti (M.P.). The meeting was addressed by farmer leaders and social activists who had come specifically to  pay homage to the martyrs. The meeting was designed as a sensitive social event where mothers/wives/some family member of the shaheed farmers were honoured, a blood donation camp was organized and merit holding small school girls were encouraged with prizes and certificates. This was the 16th such event when such a gathering  took place and a comprehensive Multai Farmer Manifesto was read out and resolved upon. The event keeps alive a hope.  Lokavidya Jan Andolan felt honored for being invited to hold its convention on such an occasion and by being present on the occasion. 

Some Photographs from the Events

 Narayan Rao, Lokavidya Prapancham, Hyderabad 

 Sunilam, Kisan Sangharsh Samiti

Sanjeev Daji, Lokavidya Samanvay Samooh, Indore 

Lokavidya Satsang, Indore Team 

 Struggle Song, Team from Khursapar, Wardha 

Lokavidya Satsang, Varanasi Team 

 Dr. Sunilam speaking at Shaheed Kisan Smriti Sammelan 

Shaheed Kisan Smriti Sammelan Gathering

Vidya Ashram

Caste -Lokavidya perspective

A discussion is being started with this post on 'Strategies to transcend caste in order to create and strengthen  new bonds within Lokavidyadhar Samaj".

Caste- a Lokavidya perspective

Jati(Caste) refers to the social identity of members of Lokavidyadhar Samaj. It defines the role and obligations of a member of the Samaj. It denotes the active knowledge-base possessed by the members of the jati on which their livelihoods are based ,which in turn determines their role and obligations in the productive life of society. Each jati, therefore had a fairly clearly defined position in the productive, distributive and service processes of society and there is no evidence to believe that this participative status was ever denied to any jati. In almost all important social functions- births,marriages,harvests and deaths, each section had a role to play and we see that, to this day, every 'traditional' function has roles for different jatis to play.The dalits, tribals and 'untouchables' also had clearly defined roles and concomitant obligations, however, at some point(s) in time they were excluded from mainstream society and lived a largely marginalised life fraught with great exploitation and misery.

This social identity, which is self-perpetrating (through birth), is very strong and has formed the basis for social organisation, especially in the colonial and post-colonial era. Caste hierarchy, the origins of which are not clearly understood; especially the origin and continuation of untouchability, has been around for a very long time. Various dubious theories to sanctify this heirarchy have been put forth. In practice, however, it appears that in the pre-British era, caste discrimination never became a factor for social disruption, though the abominable practice of untouchability kept out sizable sections of people from ordinary social life all over the country. The neo-hierarchical classification of castes into 'forward' and 'backward' categories is a colonial phenomenon and goes hand-in-hand with the debunking of Lokavidya.

The 'scramble' for 'employment' in the colonial and post-colonial era, at the cost of delegitimising Lokavidya and all livelihoods based thereon, has led to a fierce struggle for the 'backwardness' tag in order to become eligible for the reservations/concessions/feebies etc given by centre/state/public instituions-some of which are even Constitutionally mandated. This has led to a perverse 'strengthening' of caste-identity and caste-hierarchy. The British used this nascent social discordance to politically divide the people and the current political dispensation also actively encourages this discordance. Our understanding is that, this encouragement of discordance is aimed at completely
delegitimising Lokavidya(even in their own eyes) and reducing Lokavidyadhar Samaj to a slave society. Lokavidyadhar Samaj has to transcend caste-hierarchy and recapture the imagination that can lead to the establishment of a truly egalitarian society where knowledge is in command and equal respect for practitioners of all aspects of knowledge/skills is the norm.

A general survey of the political liberation movements of last century will show that their primary aim ( and to whatever extent, also achievement) was economic equality. This resulted in a certain adhoc perception popularised by the system that economic status will act as the uniformisation agent for social equality. That is, sections of the Samaj economically well off by dint of the strength of the connection with the exploitative system – a rich farmer setting up auctioning/processing produce, a blacksmith or a sthapati setting up a “production” unit, a woman employing women in a “manufacturing” unit, a labourer becoming a “contractor” or aworker in a private/public/ multinational industry, a young educated in a government job, ... - accepted the same values as the dominant ruling /political /economic class. This also gave rise to the most retrogressive welfare measure of money distribution, household goods or food. These measures kept the social inequalities intact and indeed worsened with the added accelerated movements for reservation systems at every level of organization in every department of life. This state of affairs seems to be a result of absolute no-confidence in the dialectics of processes and directions of change. In turn, this meant the loss of certain cardinal principles from the public view, principles which alone demand, every moment of life, the “truth” that is sought through the dialectic. These measures got the direct and indirect approvals from economists and social scientists, domestic and foreign , and also the world finacncial market system facilitating globalization and growth of domestic capitalist class. It became increasingly clear that the radical change and political imagination which we conceive of can not possibly take place via the economic uniformization route , but rather the social uniformization route. That is, while the economic uniformization necessarily led to debate and discourse on the development models and planning, leading to adhoc monetary measures, often on the edge of hopelessness, because of the globalization overheads and the intrinsic charactristics of the new technologies.

It appears that political mobilization based on certain active principles of social uniformization as opposed to economic uniformization measure may be the effective route to unleash a process for achieving social justice for the Samaj. In the context of our knowledge of the history of the Samaj, the following three principles ( and others) seem to have that capacity. They are not demands to the existing ruling power, but by the Samaj on itself. They are formulated in this fashion in the context of the way the ruling system exercises control by framing “laws” and the “code for administration” of the laws which the samaj is subject to. The options mentioned below are deemed to enable the society to counteract in a, possibly long and ardous , process of dialogue with those processes that seem to have acquired a certain quality of “untruth” from lack of reflection and plain ignorance.

  1. The practice of assigning Jati or Caste of the child at birth ( via certificate) be abolished.

       Instead only the Jati or Caste of the parents ( individually or together) will be recorded. Also the name will be recorded not as Son of Father, butas Born to the Mother , whose name as entered in the hospital/panchayat , is say, Kalyani Krishnan; and Father's name comes through the name of mother the way she registers it. Such a child will be given compulsory education of whatever type by the community until at the age of 12/14 ( to be related to the best age of termination of coeducation and or educational content regarding public life, family life etc.) and will be having the same status as a sant, as being caste neutral ( in the classical Indian thought, as pure embodiment of the spirit). At the end of this period, the child will be eligible to choose any caste of his choice for the purpose of earning a livelihood and/or acquiring the status accorded in society and be deemed eligible for any prevailing reservation on the basis of the economic condition of his parents or any such criteria of the state. However, such a choice and/or enjoyment of conferred privilages is not mandatory.

        The children of the samaj will have the second choice of choosing a caste/jati for the express and very important purpose of entering into union in marriage ( whatever type) for availing of possible subsidies, choices for getting employment, settling in the natural geographical location of the spouse available with centre/state/public institutions etc. to setup family life and also be deemed eligible for grants for medical services and child care and early education ( see para above). However, such a choice and/or enjoyment of conferred privilages is not mandatory.

        The adult members of the samaj, considering the rather terrible difficulties they face in the twilight of their life without any assistance, will have the third and final choice to choose jati/caste for the purpose of being deemed eligible of availing concessions on retirement ( interpreted appropriately) for being eligible for medical/survival/group benefits available or by their autonomous faith based on their life and experience thus far, so that justice is served. However, such a choice and/or enjoyment of conferred privilages is not mandatory.
2. The practice of identifying women as a separate jati/community/problem within the general political/development discourse- be abolished.
   The First item having been formulated for any child, women are automatically part of the samaj as understood there. Compulsory education until age 12/14 with no gender discrimination will be subject to some extra criteria arising out of early onset of puberty in females. And any girl child at the age of 14 or a mature girl while getting married or a woman at any time of her life may exercise the option of choosing a jati/caste for the purpose of utilizing the subsidies or other grants available under ay special category currently existing, including choosing her groom. She may also register for any special categories under which survival , nutrition and medical help is freely available under the present ruling order. And just as the child is caste neutral, being adopted either by the king or by the mendicant etc., so also the woman is caste neutral by dint of being inherently capable of bearing the of child of any male ( following the dharma of any caste etc.) . Thus we add woman to child and sant as being caste neutral. And route to social justice runs through the estate of these three categories.

3. The Natural Inheritance of private property and Natural Transfer of public property into private hands be abolished.

In the above, the second adjective “Natural” connotes the same sense as the first. The above is not a fundamentally new principle, but requires serious formulation after deep reflection in the context of the “truth” realized by the samaj that all things in the world are “public”and are deemed “private” by the society in some context, for some purpose, either forgotten or too obvious. And just as the individual “does not know” who/what he/she is and exists on the strength of the “knowledge of identity” given by the family/society , similarly any kind of wealth ( material/otherwise) is not born with the self-declaratory identity, that is, wealth is born owner-neutral just as in the above we considered the child is born caste-neutral and the woman and sant are caste neutral.

We have demanded the 'Right to livelihood based on Lokavidya' that, in practice, translates to a demand for an equal minimum wage for ALL occupations/livelihoods based on Lokavidya and/or modern knowledge. Can Lokavidyadhar Samaj move toward a demand for a Right to an Equality-based Identity? The suggestions made could be seen as the active aspect of such a demand.

These principles if reflected upon and adopted ( in appropriate form) with the right spirit , will unleash hitherto unimagined churning in the social fabric of the Samaj, infusing strength into it with unimaginable revolutionary consequences. It may enable the Samaj to launch a One-point Satyagraha or Constitutional demand, by combining the above neutality into a hitherto impossible limit of meaning for human life. Such satyaghahis may constitute the new core for creating the mass base for social justice in our country.

B. Krishnarajulu & K.K.Surendran
January 2014